Nepal on the horns of federal dilemma

With federalism increasingly becoming a geopolitical gambit, Nepal has found itself on a powder keg of intractable political tension. The country had accepted the federal system perfunctorily in a bid to address the demand of Madhesi parties that have been compounding the state restructuring project -- many of them unattainable. Though the heat of their agitation has already died down, they are still at loggerheads with the state over the boundaries of provinces determined by the new constitution.

The present coalition government came into existence with an objective to what Prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal Prachanda calls "strengthening internal unity" by bringing the recalcitrant Madhesi forces on board. Prachanda, also chairman of CPN-Maoist Centre, came to power replacing the CPN-UML Chair KP Sharma Oli-led government that had significantly enhanced Nepal's relations with its northern neighbor China.

As per his commitment, Prachanda registered a constitution amendment bill in the Legislature-Parliament with the full backing of another large ruling party, Nepali Congress. The amendment bill seeks to split hilly districts from Terai belt in Province No. 5 in west Nepal. No sooner had the government tabled the bill than the massive protests erupted in the said provinces. All political parties, civil society members, students and commoners joined hands against the bill, terming it an "anti-national" agenda guided by the vested foreign interest.

Main opposition, UML, and the other three small communist parties are on the frontline to lead the protesting masses. They have been disrupting the House proceedings, demanding that the government withdraw it immediately. They have called the bill treasonous aimed at disintegrating Nepal in the long term. Even the stalwarts from ruling NC and CPN-Maoist Centre have strongly opposed the bill. CPN-Maoist Centre Deputy Parliamentary Party leader Top Bahadur Rayamajhi and NC lawmaker Chandra Bhandari are vocally castigating their leadership over the bill. They have warned of crossing the floor if the bill is put to a vote.

"When the people from Terai and the hills are saying that they want to live together, who is playing a spoilsport to create animosity between them?" questioned NC lawmaker Chandra Bhandari.

Although there is slim chance of getting the bill approved by the parliament, the government is unmoved by this avalanche of protests against it. The opposition argues that the amendment bid violates the new constitution that does not allow the transformed parliament to decide the boundaries of provinces. It is up to the Provincial Assemblies of the provinces in question to settle the demarcation row.

Agitating Madhesi parties tepidly responded to the bill in the beginning but they are now ready to vote for it after their meeting with Indian Ambassador Ranjit Rae. India's External Ministry has hailed the amendment as a "vital step" to take the Madhesi parties into confidence. Envoy Rae had reportedly prodded the Madhesi lawmakers to stand by the amendment. The bill, according to the disgruntled Madhesi parties, does not address all their concerns. They have long been demanding two provinces along the southern plains bordering India excluding the hill. They had first pitched for "one Madhes one province" that was outright rejected by the major parties. It is noted that most of the leaders of Madhesi parties had been defeated in the second CA polls.

Main opposition parties fear that if endorsed, the bill will create two nations within the country -- the hill and Madhes -- which serves as a recipe to secede the country eventually. They cite that examples of the creation of Pakistan and Bangladesh wherein the elements of "religion" and "language" were exploited to create two countries. In Nepal, the ethno-centric politics has been blown out of all proportion. Madhesi and Janajatis insist that new provinces should be carved up on the basis of ethnicity and have undermined the economic viability of the provinces. This has, however, generated ethnic and cultural divisions among the people and regions. Federalism was adopted as a system of governance, but a high dose of ethnic chauvinism has virtually made it a poisoned chalice which hardly produces any elements of amenity, cooperation and fraternity.

The then CPN-Maoist had gone on to announce around a dozen ethnic states to muster the support of ethnic constituencies that helped fuel its decade long insurgency. The people cut the Maoist Centre down to size in the second Constituent Assembly election for its toxic ethno-centric politics. It became a small third force from the largest party in the first CA. It refused to learn from history and is again alienating the larger populace to the bewilderment of political observers.

Ritu Raj Subedi is an associate editor of The Rising Nepal.

Opinion articles reflect the views of their authors, not necessarily those of China.org.cn.