The legacy of Fidel Castro

Cuba mourns its eternal "Comandante." Fidel Castro will be remembered as one of the few world leaders whose life was a synonym of resistance. This resistance is principally related to a strong anti-American stance, the determination to proceed his own way irrespective of U.S. obstacles against him and the passion to implement the ideology of communism. Castro's legacy will remain a symbol for the Left across the world.

The death of a strong personality has naturally been viewed with emotionalism by his political friends and opponents. Contradictory and often exaggerated comments have been published by both sides.

Castro's policies should be analyzed in two periods, before and after the Revolution. Starting with the pre-1958 days, the success of his guerilla movement can be attributed to several factors including the quality of his commanders - Che Guevara, Raúl Castro and Camilo Cienfuegos - as well as the poor economic conditions of Cuba in the 1950s and the impact of recession, for example, due to the decline of the price of sugar.

Furthermore, Castro's small group began its operation in an unimportant mountain area of eastern Cuba and soon benefited from the disenchantment of the local population in rural areas with Batista's central government and the disorganization of the armed forces.

After coming to power in 1959, Castro's principal source of inspiration was a type of Cuban nationalism with elements from the country's history such as the 1868 War of Independence and the student rebellions of the 1920s and 1930s. His foreign and economic policy relied on a continuously close cooperation, and the signing of trade agreements with the Soviet Union, countries of Eastern Europe and China. He also did not hesitate to nationalize U.S. companies operating in Cuba and apply a model of collectivization of agriculture.

Moreover, Castro attempted to export his Revolution experience to other Third World countries, for instance to Angola, Mozambique and Ethiopia in Africa.

Above all, the "Comandante" attracts the attention of historians for his role during the Cuban Missile Crisis of 1962. In a letter he sent to Soviet Premier Nikita Khrushchev on October 26 of that year, he had considered that "the aggression [would have been] imminent within the next 24 or 72 hours." Subsequently, he wrote about two possible variants. Specifically, the first and the likeliest one was an air attack against certain targets and the second and less probable was invasion. For the second scenario, Castro advised Khrushchev that "the Soviet Union must never allow the circumstances in which the imperialists could launch the first nuclear strike against it."

In 2012, Castro was quoted as saying in The Atlantic a somewhat regretful answer: "After I've seen what I've seen, and knowing what I know now, it wasn't worth it all." In any case, it was Moscow and not Havana who would decide.

With reference to social policy a flourishing debate exists. Castro's supporters argue that his achievements are remarkable and provide specific numbers to prove it. By 1970 Cuba reported about 88 percent of its residents were literate and that the number had reached 99 percent in 1986 - while illiteracy had affected approximately 75 percent of the population before the Revolution. In parallel with this, access to free health services guaranteed a gradual rise in life expectancy. The average of 78.45 years in 2015 was one of the highest in the world.

By contrast, critics of Castro compare the progress of Cuba with that of other countries in Latin America, which did not experience a similar political change. Although they acknowledge his achievements, they explain that it was the whole region enjoying an impressive development trend irrespective of the governance model in every state. In parallel with this, critics say that GDP per capita in Cuba was lower in comparison to other countries in Latin America.

Looking towards the future, the death of Fidel Castro will matter more symbolically than substantially. That is because he had already transferred power to his brother Raúl, for the first time temporarily in 2006 and then permanently in 2008 due to his poor health.

For several years, partners of Cuba - such as China - have politically and economically approached the country without heavily counting on its "Comandante" apart from demonstrating their unquestionable historical and ideological respect. The recent visit of Chinese Premier Li Keqiang is indicative.

More importantly, Havana is in the progress of opening its doors to the outside world in spite of U.S. President-elect Donald Trump's recent rhetoric. The day after will not be worse for Cuban people. It will only be different.

George N. Tzogopoulos is a columnist with China.org.cn. For more information please visit:

http://www.china.org.cn/opinion/GeorgeNTzogopoulos.htm

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